Monday, July 31, 2017

Former #Ugandan President Milton #Obote Interviewed By Journalists About B...

#Obote warns #Uganda about #Museveni


#Uganda's leading supermarket #Nakumatt slides into oblivion

The butcher is closed, metres of shelves are empty save for a single brand of shampoo and, worst of all, the toilet paper is out-of-stock. 

Once a Kenyan success story, homegrown Nakumatt supermarkets are grappling with product shortages so severe even the country's best-known cartoonist has taken notice, lampooning the company's slogan in a recent drawing as, "You need it, we don't have it".

The dizzying fall of East Africa's largest retailer has been blamed on a combination of bad management, misguided expansion plans and increased competition, and many industry insiders say the damage wrought on the company is so severe that it may not survive.

"It's what I call a perfect storm, where a series of events have come together to create the position that we're in," said Andrew Dixon, a former executive with Britain's Tesco supermarket recently hired to head up Nakumatt's marketing.

The chain's position today is indeed a tenuous one: Nakumatt has become so bad at paying its bills that some suppliers demand to be paid upfront or refuse to deliver. The landlord of one supermarket recently raided the premises and seized merchandise in lieu of unpaid rent.

It wasn't always like this. 

Nakumatt's transformation from a one-store mattress retailer into a region-spanning grocery empire is a fairy-tale saga in a country where entrepreneurship is a cardinal virtue.

The chain's story starts in 1979 in Kenya's Indian community, when a father, fresh off of the bankruptcy of another business, started a mattress store with his two sons in the Rift Valley town of Nakuru.

The store was named "Nakuru Mattresses," which was later contracted to Nakumatt and what would become one of the best known brands in East Africa.

The shop flourished and by the mid-1980s the family opened their first store in the capital Nairobi.

The current difficulties have seen two Nairobi stores and three in Uganda shuttered.

However the business still employs 7,000 people and has 45 stores in Kenya, eight in Uganda, three in Rwanda, five in Tanzania and does annual sales of $600 million (511 million euros), according to Dixon.

Bad luck

Dixon has identified three reasons for Nakumatt's struggles.

The first was a stroke of bad luck -- the October 2013 attack by jihadists on the Westgate mall in Nairobi that left 67 people dead and destroyed Nakumatt's flagship store, which Dixon said accounted for 10 percent of the company's turnover.

The second is the proliferation of malls in the capital. In its policy of expansion, Nakumatt has had to commit to opening new markets years in advance, and sometimes, when they finally do open, they end up not being as successful as expected.

The final blow is Kenya's economic growth, which, while strong, is less than Nakumatt anticipated.

"We had originally put together a business plan which had assumed a certain growth in the economy. That growth has now slowed," Dixon said, adding that the retail sector's share of GDP has dropped from 12 percent to 6 percent.

Sources among Nakumatt's competitors point to a fourth reason: the company's acquisition at the end of 2016 of minority shareholder John Harun Mwau's stake in the chain for a sum Kenyan media reported to be at least $30 million.

In 2011, American investigators froze Mwau's assets in the United States over allegations that he was involved in drug trafficking, a charge he denies.

The businessman and politician's scandalous reputation was seen as hampering Nakumatt's quest to convince investors to inject $75 million into the company.

The giants in waiting

The time for Nakumatt to sort out its affairs is running out.

Wholesalers, who have relied for years on Nakumatt's business to connect them with Kenya's rising middle class, are losing patience.

So, too, are mall owners, who have watched the balance of unpaid rent from the stores grow by the month.

The landlord of one shopping centre in Nairobi's northern outskirts grew so tired of waiting that in early July they raided the Nakumatt on their premises, seizing trucks, televisions, trolley and refrigerators to auction in a bid to recover 51 million shillings ($491,000) in unpaid rent.

Julien Garcier, managing director of market research company Sagaci, said Nakumatt did not only need new investors, but fresh ideas and outside expertise. 

"Yes, they have been around for a long time, but above all, it's a family business and they are now facing a fairly sudden rise in competition and their lack of know-how is making them make expensive mistakes," Garcier said.

That competition is not just from local brands like Tuskys, Chandarana and Naivas, but also from France's Carrefour and American chain WalMart, both of which have recently emerged -- albeit on a small scale -- on the scene in Kenya.

At the opening of a WalMart-owned Game supermarket in 2015, a local television station came across Nakumatt boss Atul Shah browsing the aisles, who made what seemed to be an admission of weakness.

"The biggest trouble I go through is, what next?" he told the journalists. "Always, we're looking for ideas."


Turmoil engulfs Nakumatt supermarket's success

Monday July 31 2017 Sources among Nakumatt's competitors point to a fourth reason: the company's acquisition at the end of 2016 of minority shareholder John Harun Mwau's stake in the chain for a sum Kenyan media reported to be at least $30 million That competition is not just from local brands like Tuskys, Chandarana and Naivas, but also from France's Carrefour and American chain WalMart, both of which have recently emerged -- albeit on a small scale -- on the scene in Kenya.

#Ugandan youth tries to strangle MP who advocates for #AgeLimit

PM Rugunda at Kabaka Mutebi's coronation ceremony
An angry youth on Monday tried unsuccessfully to rough up Kassanda South legislator, Simeo Nsubuga, at the 24th coronation ceremony of Buganda King in Buwekula county, Mubende district.
The ugly scene happened when Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi made a grand arrival at the venue to officiate on the event.
Loyalists including politicians and commoners prostrated themselves to great the Kabaka as he stepped out of his vehicle.
MP Nsubuga also lined up to greet the king, a move that angered a youth only identified as Ntege aka Kyuma Kyayesu.
Out of the blue, Ntege rushed madly at MP Nsubuga, grabbed him by the neck and dragged him out of the line threatening to “beat him silly”.
Ntege being whisked off by police
Amid oaths and proclamations, the angry youth accused MP Nsubuga of plotting to scrap the presidential age limit and let President Yoweri Museveni stand again in 2021 elections.
“People like you who support the land amendment age limit bills should be killed,” Ntege told the legislator who was chocking at the moment.
“Don’t come her pretending. You betrayed our Kabaka,” Ntege added.
It was then that Rubaga South MP Kato Lubwama intervened and rescued MP Nsubuga who had started sweating, swallowing hard in a desperate effort to stay alive.
MP Simeo was thoroughly shaken
Police officers too rushed to the scene and restrained Ntege before bundling him on the patrol vehicle.
The defiant youth shouted back at MP Nsubuga saying people like him and Kafeero Ssekitoleko should be killed for popularising the age limit bill.
Meanwhile, Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda also arrived at the venue to represent President Yoweri Museveni.
Buganda premier Peter Mayiga receives PM Rugunda
Ssaabasajja Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II making a grand arrival at the 24th Coronation.
Source:  @UG_EDGE

SGS bribed govt officials with $2M to win #Uganda car inspection contract @SGS_SA

By Andrew Karamagi
As you are probably aware, my colleagues (Farouk Minawa and Mugambwa Robert) and I raised red flags in March this year regarding mandatory vehicle inspection by SGS. Our contentions were around three salient issues:
a) Exclusion of relevant public institutions such as the Uganda Police Inspector of Vehicles from the inspection process;
b) Incoherent public policy wherein we noted that the line Ministry, Uganda National Roads Authority, Uganda Revenue Authority, the National Roads Safety Council and Uganda National Bureau of Standards are operating at different wave-lengths thereby resulting into policy discord, notably in the areas of pre-import inspection and verification, taxation and related levies;
c) Misuse of public office where we raised concerns about the anomalies pertaining to the irregular award of the contract and the fact that we had and still do have serious reservations about the integrity of the procurement process or lack thereof.
Over the past four months, we have followed this matter closely and have established more damning information which reveals the impropriety of this mandatory vehicle inspection.
Upon the initial award of this contract by the Ministry of Works and Transport to SGS in 2009, one of the companies that bid for the same run to court to contest the award. This litigation resulted into the halting of the contract which was only given a go-ahead in 2015, six years later.
It begs the question: why weren’t the terms of the awarded contract renegotiated to reflect the change of circumstances such as the time-lag?
We have also learnt that the Contracts Management Committee at the Ministry of Works and Transport which should, by now have ceded responsibility to a Contracts Supervision Committee is still presiding over the execution of the contract. Why, up to this day, is there no supervising entity of the SGS Motor Vehicle Inspection Contract? Is SGS so good that they can supervise themselves? Additionally, what is the basis of the disparate charges they are placing on the different vehicle types?
We have learned that motorcycles are charged forty five thousand shillings; private vehicles are charged one hundred and ten thousand shillings; matatus, commonly known as taxis, are charged one hundred and fifty thousand shillings while buses pay a measly eight hundred shillings for inspection! Who is behind this anomaly?
Ugandans will also be interested to learn that from our findings, one gentleman, Mr. Ronald Amanyire, appears to be the person about whom this contract revolves. Mr. Amanyire is a Member of the Contracts Management Committee, a public institution, but at the same time, is the de facto spokesperson for SGS. He is also an official of the National Road Safety Council. And he also works with the Transport Licensing Board.
How is it possible that we have not heard the official spokespersons of the Ministry of Works pronouncing themselves on this matter? Since when do junior public staffers like Mr. Amanyire speak on behalf of a private multinational corporation?
In what capacity did Mr. Ronald Amanyire travel to Gauteng, South Africa, to inspect and view Mobile Inspection and Law Enforcement Centres and engage in discussions regarding any changes to the contractual arrangement? Was the Ministry aware of this?
Where are the Spokespersons, the Permanent Secretary, the Director and/or any Commissioner of the Ministry of Works on this matter? This is at best a classic case of conflict of interest and at worst, a case of collusion between a public official and a private multinational corporation.
Our fourth point of concern regards the juicy question of the two million dollars contract performance security which was lodged by SGS with Government but was less than two weeks ago returned to SGS and parts of it shared with senior Ministry of Works and Transport officials. What this means is that SGS has nothing to lose and conduct itself as it pleases since it has no performance security lodged with government. Ugandans are on their own!
For the benefit of readers, a performance security is an agreement by a contractor to lodge a given amount of money with government so that if a contractor defaults on the agreed terms, government has the option of taking the performance security so as to avoid making losses.
SGS is one year behind schedule. SGS has not completed the work of building inspection stations. SGS has no vehicle standards that it is using to inspect vehicles. SGS has no accreditation from international carmakers to inspect vehicles. Under these circumstances, how can any sane person return a two million dollar performance security to a contractor who has reneged on vital sections of a contract?!
I am also aware of the fact that a formal complaint was lodged to the Inspectorate of Government in this regard but no action is forthcoming from the government ombudsman.
The above information I have given is complex and highly technical and so I will sum up our contentions into five simple questions so as to help the general public appreciate the issues at hand:
i) Why was there no renegotiation of the terms of the contract following a six year court battle which had halted the contract?
ii) Why is there no supervising entity from government overseeing the performance of the contract?
iii) In what capacity is Mr. Ronald Amanyire, a junior public official addressing the media on behalf of SGS, a private multinational company?
iv) Who authorized and on what basis was the return of the two million dollar performance security returned to SGS two weeks ago yet SGS is one year behind schedule and has not completed construction of the vehicle inspection stations?
v) Why is a senior citizen who is as honourable, decent and distinguished as the Minister of Works and Transport as well as the Ministry of Works and Transport allowing itself to be held at ransom by a clique of individuals in cahoots with a multinational corporation?
These and more are the issues we shall be tabling before the Infrastructure Committee of Parliament among other relevant institutions.
If no action is taken on this broad daylight thuggery, I will announce further steps.

Mr. Andrew Karamagi is a lawyer based in Uganda.  He can be reached at

SGS Automotive Uganda Ltd

SGS Automotive Uganda will start off Inspection operations at the SGS Kawanda Station on 28th Nov, 2016. Inspections will later on be rolled out to other stations.

Sunday, July 30, 2017

The Chainsmokers & Coldplay - Something Just Like This (Lyric) #Music got stuck in my head

#Putin Expels: 755 #US DIPLOMATS MUST LEAVE #RUSSIA, Retaliates to Presiden...

Why the suspension of #Uganda police officers is just business as usual

Last week Uganda's Police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi appeared before the Museveni's Land Probe Committee over rampant police involvement in illegal land grabbing.  He was particularly grilled over the past midnight illegal eviction in Jinja by his top police officers.  He claimed ignorance of the illegality before pushing the blame onto NRM Cadre Felix Kaweesi who was murdered in Mach 2017. The implicated senior police officers who were also in the company of Gen. Kalekyezi used the slain Cadre Felix Kaweesi as the scapegoat.

The unimpressed commission tasked the police chief to take action against the officers and report back within two weeks.  Gen. Kalekyezi told the commission that he was to act immediately.  The following day, the IGP purported to suspend four senior police officers pending investigations by the Police Professional Standard Unit (PPSU).  The affected officers are: ACP Julius Mucunguzi, SSP Edgar Nyabongo, SSP Apollo Kateeba, SSP Felix Mugizi.  They are the usual scrupulous players; where are the Okellos, Anguduas, Masabas, Olupots, Kakaires, Ofonos, Mutebis, and Balukus???????????

Gullible Ugandans are jubilating over the suspension of the four officers as if it’s something new. They have easily forgotten the following more serious incidents that have been swept under the carpet.
1. It took years and a lot of national outcry before the police surrendered Kampala Central DPC, Aron Baguma to face murder charges.  Even if he was eventually charged, the case has never taken off and Baguma is attending a promotion course.

2.  In October 2013 then ACP Joel Aguma kidnapped a high-profile Rwandese Refugee and former Kagame body guard before illegally handing him over to the Rwanda government.  The government, UNHCR and Police condemned the action and announced that it had suspended him.  However, in July 2015, he was appointed the Deputy Director of Crime Intelligence.  In February 2016, he was promoted to SCP and appointed Head of Professional Standards Unit (PSU).  He is now an Assistant Inspector of Police and serving under the AMISOM Peace Support Mission.

3. In February 2017, the IGP claimed to have suspended seven officers of Kawempe police station for a so called unlawful arrest instead of kidnap. The seven officers had gone to Nakasongola and arrested a one Dissan Musisi over a land dispute before shooting live bullets and tear gas.  Among the seven officers was the CID boss, Katusiime. That was the end of the matter.

4. In May 2015 the police claimed to have arrested the then Head of Special Investigations Unit (SIU), Charles Kataratambi and four other officers over theft of US $ 450,000 exhibit money.  The recovered money was part of the US$ 1.45M stolen from Equity Bank.  The arrest was ordered by Museveni but the officers have never been charged.  One of the suspects, SPC Kevin Kabanda is said to be in Rwanda running business.

5. In January 2016 the police claimed to have arrested the then O.C Malaba Central Police Station, Julius Jjingo over coordinating theft of imported cars in transit.  Since then he has never been charged.

6. In April 2015 parliament begged the then Minister of Internal Affairs, Gen. Aronda to arrest the two senior police detectives, Kato and Komurubuga who had taken billions of bribes money in the 165b shillings pensions scam.   Nothing has ever been done to the two; instead their boss, CID chief, Grace Akullo was sent into oblivion when she attempted to poke her nose into the matter.

7. In May 2015 the police arrested Captain Mushabe of CMI over a series of deadly armed robberies targeting cash in transit and Chinese investors.  The manhunt and arrest is said to have been ordered by Museveni.  Because Capt. Mushabe enjoys the protection of strong god fathers like Col. Charles Tusiime, no charges have ever been preferred.

8. What about the theft of confiscated illicit drugs and wildlife and replacing them with sheet flour and wood respectively by police officers of the Aviation Police at Entebbe Airport?

9. Early last month, the same commission discovered that a Ugandan-Kenyan police technical advisor, Ambrose Murunga had not only illegally acquired 400 acres of land in Luwero but had used the police to arrest and torture Ugandans.  Earlier on, he had been linked to the 4.5b shilling Equity Bank money theft together with the suspended former SIU head, Charles Kataratambi.  No one can touch Murunga because he has been ensuring the survival of the Museveni regime.  As to whether he is Ugandan or Kenyan, it doesn't matter because even Gen. Kalekyezi's wife is a Kenyan of Rwandese origin.

The list is endless but what is clear is that IGP Kalekyezi very well knew about the Jinja eviction.  The officers he is pretending to suspend are some of the top regime cadres who have ensured its survival.  In private, he must have reassured them that the so-called suspension is just a public relations gesture. Otherwise, if the officers abused office, why not take them to court and the DPP sanctions the same charges for trial?
The so-called PSU is just a tool for covering up police crimes instead of handling minor misconducts like absenteeism, drunkards, late comers, insubordination and service offences in general.  Otherwise, once the storm settles down, the same officers will be reassigned.  Moreover, land grabbing is an official regime policy for which the police is the lead implementing agency.



change of guards blog

#Kenya #Elections: IEBC's ICT Manager has gone missing!

#Uganda is not a #Refugee paradise and world media better wake up, tell truth @AlJazeera

The north of Uganda, where most settlements for South Sudanese refugees are based, is characterised by structural underdevelopment and poverty, write Schiltz and Titeca [Reuters]

PICTURES: Unforlding refugee crisis in Uganda

The reality which media, donors and activists are not talking about is the fact that Uganda invaded South Sudan and continues to fuel the war in South Sudan. Ugandans are also forced to give up their land at gun point so that space can be made for refugees.
The north of Uganda, where most settlements for South Sudanese refugees are based, is characterised by structural underdevelopment and poverty, write Schiltz and Titeca [Reuters]
In April the Dutch public broadcasting agency NOS published a story on Uganda "the refugee paradise". The article was titiled: "Welcome refugee! Uganda welcomes you with open arms!" A South Sudanese colleague frowned after reading the translated article. "How can they see this as paradise?" he asked. "Don't they know that people who are here are the ones who are not able to go somewhere else? Live in the city, or perhaps another country? There is no such thing as a paradise here."
Uganda's refugee policy has received much media coverage in recent months. The country is currently hosting around 1.2 million refugees from neighbouring South Sudan, which is involved in a brutal, and endless, civil war. While a number of critical articles were also published on the difficulties that South Sudanese refugees have been facing, most of the coverage has focused on Uganda's hospitality. The range of superlatives used to describe the openness of both the government and the population of Uganda was especially eye-catching. Articles were, for example, titled "Uganda's example to the world", "Uganda may be best place in the world to be a refugee", "Uganda's lesson in how to treat refugees" and so on.

This euphoric coverage obscures a not-so-paradise-like reality. It serves a range of political agendas but it does not help the refugees' situation.

Uganda's refugee policy is indeed progressive and open, and the country's attitude may be remarkable in light of the high degree of resistance that refugees experience in other parts of the world today.

In Uganda, refugees are given small plots of land on which to build houses and cultivate crops, and they are allowed to work and move freely within the country. Because of this basic premise, Uganda's refugee policy has been lauded as one of the most progressive in the world. But what happens in reality is not as exemplary as has been reported in the media.

The north of Uganda, where most settlements for South Sudanese refugees are based, is characterised by structural underdevelopment and poverty. As a result, the presence of refugees, and the humanitarian aid which comes with it, leads in a number of areas to serious tensions.

Incidents have been reported in which refugees were attacked by the local population, for example when collecting firewood. Locals have disguised themselves as refugees to access the relief aid, which is considered an "illegal and criminal" activity. Incidents have also been reported in which refugees were allowed to rent or use land for cultivation, but were forced to give it back to the host community when the yield was ready. In urban areas, clashes have emerged in a university between refugee students and "local" students.

Anecdotal, for sure - but so are many of the success stories which appeared in the press in recent months. In Lamwo, one of the districts currently receiving new arrivals, the local population has tried to stop the relocation of refugees on its land. This region has an exceptionally high unemployment rate and the government's decision to allow refugees to gain lawful employment has led to the fear that the refugees will take away the scarce jobs.

So, why is the media insisting on presenting Uganda as a success story?
First, this narrative is politically useful for different groups in Western countries. On the one hand, it allows Western governments to push forward with the externalisation of their asylum policy. For example, the EU's emergency trust fund for Africa is already aiming to externalise the bloc's asylum policy and to tackle migration "at the roots".

Uganda's success story allows it to show that African countries are also able to host refugees, which in turn supports European efforts to withhold migrants and refugees before they reach EU borders. On the other hand, this positive narrative strengthens the hands of people pushing for a more liberal and open refugee policy in the West: "Look, if this poor country in Africa can host all these refugees, we should certainly do it!"
Such one-sided success stories, depicting Uganda's refugee policy as an example to the world, hamper a critical questioning and a debate about durable solutions for the fundamental problems South Sudanese refugees are facing.

Second, the story also comes in handy for Uganda. At best, the country can be described as a "hybrid" democratic regime. This success story allows it to deflect attention from its semi-authoritarian tendencies, as shown in the regime's recent efforts to abolish presidential term limits (effectively allowing a presidency for life), or neglect the international call for an independent investigation into the army's behaviour in a conflict in Western Uganda. Equally, the narrative on its hospitality allows Uganda to crucially deflect attention from its involvement in the South Sudanese conflict and particularly its support for Salva Kiir.

Third, the Ugandan success story is crucial for NGOs and humanitarian aid agencies. They use stories like this one to raise much-needed funds for the victims of the South Sudanese crisis.

All these hidden interests naturally make it difficult for journalists to tell a nuanced story about refugee experiences in Uganda. But, the way journalists obtain stories about Uganda's refugee policy is also part of the problem.

Much of the reporting on this issue is done through press trips organised by embassies or humanitarian organisations. This kind of hit-and-run journalism consists of a number of pre-arranged field visits and interviews, highlighting the positive work of the organisation and Uganda's refugee policy.
So, presenting Uganda's refugee policy as a success story benefits all actors concerned and makes journalists' jobs a lot easier. But how is this narrative affecting the refugees?

It is true that Uganda and the humanitarian organisations working in the region are making an enormous effort to host the refugees. But they are not offering long-term solutions and the refugees' future in Uganda is still in question. The humanitarian agencies will eventually scale down their efforts and leave, and the refugees won't be able to survive solely by cultivating the small plots of land given to them by the government. These lands are too small to provide a decent living and the local population still officially owns them. As a result, refugees are constantly feeling uncertain about their future in the country for good reason.

Such one-sided success stories, depicting Uganda's refugee policy as an example to the world, hamper a critical questioning and a debate about durable solutions for the fundamental problems that South Sudanese refugees are facing. Also, such rosy presentations may be particularly offensive for the people whose harsh reality is buried under superlatives. So maybe instead of praising Uganda it is time to ask questions: Why is Uganda's refugee policy so progressive? Who wins, and who loses? And what does this refugee policy mean in practice, in the experiences of the refugees and host communities who are subject to it?

Julie Schiltz is a PhD student at the department of Special Needs Education of Ghent University and has been conducting ethnographic research among South Sudanese refugee youth in Northern Uganda for more than two years.
Al Jazeera

The #English language is a bully - #Writing #Education

This morning I have learned about how badly we as Ugandans write.  One of my best friends sent me screen shots of TV stations he was watching and I missed something.  I jumped straight into telling him how those people were unqualified to talk about the topics.  He did not argue back but instead told me "check the spelling".  I am attaching the screen shots now.  AND these are the big media houses in Uganda.
So all the complaining to my friends, fans and followers about writing properly was not justified.  Media houses are bastardizing English on a daily basis so why should Ugandans not do it too?  Last week we had the country's biggest government funded media house put a headline of pubic instead of public but thank heaven they immediately corrected it. I am in 5 WhatsApp groups:
Uganda News Briefing
Global News Briefing
Business News Briefing
Soccer Chat 256
In all groups, you must write proper English or you get kicked out.  The same rule applies to anyone who comments on what I share on Facebook or inboxes me.  Things like "hr r u" will get you blocked promptly because if you are too lazy to write full words, I am too busy to respond to you.
Some Ugandans have accused me of insisting on English just because I am a Canadian.  This is wrong.  All my English and French was learned in Uganda.  My punishment for screwing up English was always a missed meal.  Neither my parents nor my siblings could allow me to speak or write bad English.
Along that habit of writing properly, my siblings and I had to read the national news paper daily.  Mzee ensured it by always taking out the cartoon section and the cross word puzzle.  After we read the paper, we had to summarise for him the news of the day.  Then he would give us the crossword puzzle.  When we were done, he would then give us the comic section.  My brothers James and Richard loved Batman but had to read and do the crossword puzzle before getting their comics.  I loved Ekanya and also only got it after reading and doing the crossword puzzle.
What is going on in Uganda now is nothing short of a catastrophe.  Major media houses are printing bastardized English and it has become so normal that when one says "its when we arrived and I was told that your late is when I saw that the husband had killed her wife".  In this case, is it any wonder then that the other day a minister was crying saying "you will loose all your investment"?
Uganda media has a very big role to play in educating and informing the public.  We must take this role very seriously and stop printing news with broken English.
The English language is a bully.  It will harass you to grab your lunch, punch you in the face for bad conjugation then beat the crap out of you and steal your pocket money for not knowing idioms which you might never have heard of  (Rebecca told me that).  So in essence, when we who are relied on for information take the lazy route of writing badly, our readers will also then write badly.  You will all remember that most Ugandans do not have access to libraries to borrow free books.  Neither do they have free Internet.  Consequently, what most of the population is consuming is from social media.  In this case, then even what we share on social media should be in proper writing to encourage good writing.
Did you know that in 2015 Uganda lost out on sh. 257 billion in grants for Climate Change?  The excuse for all the rejected projects was "they were so badly written it was hard to determine what project they really intended for the money they were asking for".  This story was in Uganda media and I shared it on the nangalama blog.  Recently, President Yoweri Museveni turned down many loan applications.  He said they made no sense.  I hardly ever agree with Museveni but on those loans, I agreed with him fully because when I read what people were asking money for, they made no sense.  Frivolous things.  At one point in time, we need sanity.  Please write.  AND you will remember that "Poor reading habits are the enemy of civilization".
Reading helps one to form sentence structures which are worth reading.  Reading helps to think and analyse.  Reading helps to write better.  We need more readers.  Once we read a lot, we shall write better and then one can write a letter to Ambassador Deborah Malac as SPAN did yesterday or even dare to write to PM Justin Trudeau or President Emmanuel Macron like Martha (yours truly) did yesterday.  If you cannot write, you can go demonstrate all you want but the average policy maker relies on information written properly in order to make a decision or influence a decision.  So if you are writing badly, goodluck with your life.  AND remember that if you do not read or write well, you can kiss your next job goodbye because it means you will not be good at following basic instructions.
Martha Leah Nangalama

Passionate about Education.

Saturday, July 29, 2017

#Kenya govt acquires anti-riot gear, cement crashers for election violence

Over the past few weeks, national security units have shipped in massive equipment such as crowd-control vehicles, guns and tear gas to deal with any mass protests after August 8 elections. The timing and the type of hardware being shipped in point to an assessment by the security forces that there could be violence after the announcement of the results of another hotly-contested election between the incumbent President Uhuru Kenyatta of Jubilee and National Super-Alliance flag-bearer Raila Odinga.
That security forces will not leave anything to chance is attested by the ongoing training of security personnel in Embakasi, Nairobi, in rescue operations and crowd control using the latest technology and methods. Also in a no-nonsense statement, Inspector General of Police Joseph Boinnet, warned those who will engage in violent activities: “We are ready and waiting for you!”. Signs that the forces have picked intelligence and are bracing for possible heady days ahead was discernible from the fact that the national elections body in its estimate has asked for at least 150,000 security officers to be deployed on election-related duties.
Water canons At least a dozen new South Korean made riot control vehicles arrived in Nairobi at the weekend, increasing to more than 30, the number of water canons for police use to quell chaos. The fleet of new armoured vehicles with advanced features is in addition to a new consignment of anti-riot gear including teargas canisters, batons, anti-riot wear and guns that have come through the port of Mombasa. Security sources explained the new anti-riot gear has been distributed to various parts of the country in the past month alone as authorities prepare to secure elections and deal with violence should it break out.
State agencies have mapped out 30 counties as election violence hotspots. The agencies include National Police Service Commission (NPS), Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC), National Gender and Equality Commission (NGEC) and Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR). Yesterday, top IEBC officials and senior security personnel met to review the situation and plan accordingly, with focus on areas already flagged as potential hotspots.
The new fleet is manufactured by Jino Motors which on its website prides itself with specialty in production of “world class highly effective riot-control vehicles without fatal blow.” Various security units have been training jointly on crowd control and how to crush riots with authorities keen to ensure the killings and destruction witnessed in 2007 doesn’t recur. The Standard team, last week, witnessed the security teams training at the Embakasi Military Base where they have simulated various situations, including response to civil unrest, terrorism and other forms of insecurity.
The essence of the training organised by the ministries of Interior and Defence for the multi-agency team “is to ensure rapid and co-ordinated response.” Officers are drawn from Kenya Defence Forces, NPS, the National Intelligence Service, Kenya Wildlife Services, Kenya Forestry Services, National Youth Service. The programme is dubbed Exercise Dumisha Utulivu is being conducted at the Humanitarian and Peace Support School in Embakasi.
Officials say the training will enable the officers understand the role of the recently formed National Multi-Agency Coordinating Centre, The officers will also be equipped to understand the chain of command from the strategic down to the tactical level models. But questions have been raised on whether the scale of the arming of police could lead to use of lethal force in the event violence occurs. More than 1,000 people were killed in ethnic violence following the disputed 2007 presidential election, with police blamed for the shooting to death of at least 400. More than 500,000 were displaced during the chaos.
The new anti-riot vehicles have the capacity to carry 9,000 litres of water and are fixed with various riot control mixing stuff including foam, tear gas and paint that stick to and single out protestors running away. Gun shooting The vehicle, according to the manufacturer’s website, has capacity to mix the chemical from the cabin while water gun shooting. It has a nozzle of shooting distance of minimum of 25 metres and maximum 70 metres with an elevation of 90 degrees and rotation of 320 degrees. Each of the new trucks has two water cannons on top of the cabin.
 It also has a fully automated and centralised control system, a cabin protector and can carry seven crew at a time. Other features include run-flat tyre so that it can drive under damaged conditions for 50km at 50km per hour. It also has Cabin Pressure Control System for increasing the pressure of the cabin to keep external gas out, ventilation and air pressure control. Tonnes of tear gas canisters are also among resources that have been mobilised and sent to various places ahead of the polls. The tear gas canisters were sent on lorries to various places perceived as hot spots to help in dispersing crowds in case of violence.
Security chiefs have identified various conflicts that are a risk to national security. These include cattle rustling, terror attacks, protests and riots, ethnic clashes and conflict between herders and farmers over scarce resources. Given that the 2017 General Election is attracting unprecedented competition among political parties and aspirants at both grassroots and national level, there are more fears of violence. Senior police officers are being reshuffled as part of efforts to bolster operations. A meeting of senior police commanders is scheduled for Thursday in Nairobi to fine-tune their plans for the elections. Boinnet said they are ready to provide security during the polls, even as the European Union observer teams warned there is a possibility of violence breaking out.
Boinnet said his regional commanders have been holding regular meetings to review their plans and exuded confidence they are now ready for the polls. “NPS is ready and prepared to provide a safe, secure and peaceful environment for Kenyans to participate in the 2017 elections,” he said. Boinnet also assured that police will be neutral during the period. “We are set. We are up to the task. We are satisfied with the security arrangements so far and wish to assure Kenyans no (security) agent will be partisan. We will be non-partisan,” he said.
He made the remarks amid concerns there would be challenges in many parts of the country and especially in Northern Kenya and Lamu where Al Shabaab militants have been staging attacks, killing and displacing many. Boinnet explained they have been working with IEBC to know where to deploy officers and the numbers. “We have mobilised all needed logistics that will enable us provide a secure environment for the polls. We assure all they will vote,” he said. The logistics include helicopters, vehicles, boats and other anti-riot gear that will help them manage rowdy crowds.
Other insiders said there is increasing fear among police officers that there could be an outbreak violence before or after the polls, given emerging events in the country. NPS is mobilising helicopters from other agencies to respond to any violence within the shortest time possible. Police have three working helicopters and will arrange for more from Kenya Wildlife Service, Kenya Pipeline, KenGen, Kenya Power, Kenya Forest Service and other agencies to move troops and other resources to places of need. More than 5,000 vehicles have since 2013 been leased for police at an undisclosed cost and most of them will be deployed to cover the polls. Further, several government agencies have been ordered to surrender their vehicles to police ahead of the elections.
Whereas there are about 100,000 police officers, IEBC says it needs at least 150,000 security officers for the exercise. Training officers The rest will be sourced from Prisons, National Intelligence Service, Kenya Wildlife Services, Kenya Forestry Services and National Youth Service but they will have to be gazetted as special police officers. IEBC Chairperson Wafula Chebukati told a forum they are in the process of training security officers on election management in a programme being undertaken in partnership with security agencies while affirming IEBC’s readiness to punish those who contravene the electoral code of conduct.
He said that 600 officers have already been trained and that a similar number to follow. The programme will continue until at least 150,000 security officers are trained and deployed across the country. “This programme will see a total of 150,000 officers cascaded down to the ground for purposes of polls. We want to assure you there will be security throughout the country,” Chebukati said. Before he died, Interior Cabinet Secretary Joseph Nkaissery said all the security agencies have been sensitised to facilitate the security and integrity of the elections. Nkaissery further said that 29 counties with a higher likelihood of violence had been identified and adequate measures put in place to pre-empt occurrences of unrest during the electioneering period. This is where insiders say these water canons will be sent.
For instance, at least three canons will be sent to Uasin Gishu. “We have mapped out security conflict hotspots and developed focus mitigation strategies. “We’ve identified particularly 20 counties and therefore women candidates in those counties will be given security based on the situations obtaining in specific hot spots,” explained Nkaissery during a meeting in Nairobi. “It will help them plan and conduct time sensitive response to incidents during electioneering period,” he added.


Polls: State acquires more anti-riot gear

SUMMARY National security units have shipped in crowd-control vehicles, guns and tear gas ahead of August 8 elections There is ongoing training of security personnel in Embakasi, Nairobi State agencies have mapped out 30 counties as election violence hotspots Over the past few weeks, national security units have shipped in massive equipment such as crowd-control vehicles, guns and tear gas to deal with any mass protests after August 8 elections.

Who is Brig. Octavious Butuuro - the new MD #Uganda @UPDFspokesman

Late this week, Museveni promoted Col. Octavious Butuuro to the rank of Brigadier and appointed him as the Managing Director of Luwero Industries Ltd - a subsidiary of the Ministry of Defence's National Enterprises Corporation (NEC).
Brig. Octavious Butuuro is a Munyankole from Bunyaruguru.  He is a young brother to the Chief Justice, Bart Magunda Katureebe, former Bishop of Kasese, Nkaijanabyo, and Journalist Bart Kakooza.  Butuuro joined the NRA in the late 1980s under the special recruitment for the Air force.  After undergoing basic military training, the entire batch was taken to Nakasongola Air Wing where it was grounded for a long time without any progress towards the Air Force career.  A good number of members of this group deserted the force.  At the time, the NRA was using the tactic of enticing educated potential recruits with false promises of serving under the Air Force.
It was around 1990 that the then Air Force Intelligence Officer, Richard Nana selected a number of these abandoned soldiers and seconded them to the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) at Basiima House.  At DMI, most of these boys who were Banyarwanda were incorporated into the Banyarwanda dominated Counter Intelligence department.  Butuuro was seconded to join the Research Desk under the Office of the Director, at the time Lt. Col. Byemaro Mijumbi.  The others were now Col. Dan Munyuza who is now with the RPF in Rwanda and Col. Abdu Rugumayo who is still under CMI.
In the early 1990s, then Private Butuuro was seconded for automatic promotion to the rank of Lieutenant under the University graduates scheme.  However, his academic papers allegedly written in Latin raised controversy.  Efforts were made to have them interpreted by the Vatican Embassy in Kampala.  Eventually, Butuuro was promoted to Lieutenant.
With the coming of Henry Tumukunde who renamed DMI as CMI, his scheme to dismantle the old establishment, the Research Desk under DMI was scrapped. The developments came at a time when relations between Museveni and Kagame were very bad. Tumukunde sought to neutralize the Rwandese spy networks by displacing all the senior staff who had served under DMI when it was dominated by Banyarwanda who went to form the RPF.  The officers under it (including Butuuro) were dispersed.
The now Capt. Butuuro had a short stint at the IGAD secretariat in Nairobi.  His woes were also attributed to the politics of the day then.  In 2001, Museveni dropped his elder brother, Bart Katureebe from cabinet.  As Attorney General, Katureebe has lost the case in The Hague where Uganda was accused by DRC for among other charges, plunder of natural resources.  He went into private practice by starting Kampala Associated Advocates.
Katureebe had also been suspected to have been among the top politicians from Ankole who were opposed to Museveni's 3rd Term.  In April 2009, Brig. Butuuro's other elder brother and TV Journalist, Bart Kakooza caused a stir when he illegally accessed the highly restricted notorious torture chamber at the infamous Kololo Safe House.  In 2002 Butuuro as a member of the probe committee that investigated Maj. Sabiiti Mutengesa's alleged creation of ghost soldiers, made a minority report that exonerated him to the displeasure of Gen. Kaziini who had been witch-hunting the Major.  Later on, Mutengesa fled to exile after Museveni failed to protect him.

In 2005 Museveni appointed Bart Katureebe as a Justice of the Supreme Court.  In 2006 Museveni appointed then Lt. Col. Butuuro to the position of Deputy CMI.  In 2008 he was replaced by Lt. Col. Dominic Twesigomwe as Deputy CMI.  He proceeded to a one year course at the College of International Security in 2009.  In 2010 he was awarded the Luwero Triangle Medal though he was never anywhere near the Luwero Bush War.   He was promoted to Colonel and posted to Rwanda as the Defence Attaché.
In 2013, Museveni rejected the Judicial Service recommendation of Bart Katureebe as Chief Justice. Museveni was bent on reappointing Benjamin Odoki who had clocked retirement age to continue in the office as Chief Justice.  It took the Constitutional Court in 2014 to declare that the reappointment of Odoki was unconstitutional.  In 2016 Museveni had no alternative but to appoint Bart Katureebe as the Chief Justice.  In 2016, Col. Butuuro was moved from Kigali and posted to Khartoum as the Military Attaché.
Brig. Octavious Butuuro is an officer and a gentleman. That is why despite the long service in intelligence circles, he has never been directly implicated in Human Rights abuses.  With minimal military training and exposure to command positions, Luwero industries is the best place for him.
As to Butuuro’s managerial capacity, it doesn't matter because the so-called arms industries are nothing but a tax payer's money trap.  Amama Mbabazi's wife made a fortune out of it.  However, of recent the industries have switched to production of highly classified war materials with technical expertise and aid from Moscow. Museveni has been stuck with getting a trusted and loyal cadre to entrust with the industries thus why Gen. Mugira has been managing both NEC and Luwero Industries.
Under the circumstances, Octavious Butuuro is the best candidate.  His undisputed loyalty arises from the role played by his uncle, the Chief Justice in sustaining the regime.  For the doubting Thomases, backing by political leadership plays a big role in the military careers of some officers.  Andrew Mwenda's bootlicking has helped shape Brig. Kayanja Muhanga's military career. Kasese politics have shaped Gen. Mbadi's military career. Bank of Uganda Governor, Tumusiime Mutebile has helped shape Brig. Sabiiti Mutebiile's military career as the army's chief Engineer.
The need to hoodwink Baganda has worked well for Gen. Katumba Wamala's military career.  The politicians from different regions have more often pleaded for the easing of persecution of certain army officers. The endless list is for another day and a story worth telling.


change of guards blog

#LUBA let it go live #canadian #music

LUBA let it go live canadian music

Letter to President @EmmanuelMacron & France ambassador @FrenchEmbassyUg to #Uganda on #AgeLimit

Martha Leah Nangalama
Scoudouc (Moncton), New Brunswick

French Embassy in Kampala, Uganda
Mrs Stéphanie Rivoal, Ambassador
16, Lumumba Avenue
P.O.Box 7212
Kampala, Uganda
TELEPHONE(+256) 414 304 500
FAX(+256) 414 304 510
Twitter: @FrenchEmbassyUg

Mr Le Président de la République, Emmanuel Macron
55 Rue du Faubourg Saint-Honoré
75008 Paris
Ou en ligne sur le site de l'Élysée :
Téléphone. : 01 42 92 81 00
Twitter: @EmmanuelMacron

Dear Honorable Emmanuel Macron and Stéphanie Rivoal (France ambassador to Uganda)
Re: Uganda to lift Age Limit to allow President Yoweri Museveni rule for life

My name is Martha Leah Nangalama.  I am a Uganda-Canadian citizen currently living in Scoudouc, New Brunswick. I have 3 daughters with their father being from Liseux (oui la famille est francais).  Like many concerned citizens of Uganda, I am writing to express my disappointment in the way the French government continues to use tax payer money to support and cement in the dictatorship of Museveni.

All the other donors, funders and development partners have kept supporting the regime of President Yoweri Museveni.  Yet his Human Rights Record stands out as a sore thumb.
Just this past week, Madame Stéphanie Rivoal announced funding to the tune of UGX 49 million for Uganda for tourism because everyone knows that in tourism multilingual can fetch a lot.  What Madame Stéphanie Rivoal did was commendable but she did not mention the Human Rights record for Uganda.

France has been a partner for education, health and development in Uganda.  The concern is how France thinks they can help Uganda when they do not condemn Human Rights violations in Uganda.
Honorable Macron, Rivoal, the government of Uganda is preparing to amend the constitution of Uganda to remove age limits which is the last safety valve and this amendment will allow president Museveni to rule Uganda for life.  France has many problems with their former colonies in Africa and this amendment of the constitution in Uganda which you seem to be supporting will then tell all the Francophonie that you support and stand with dictators.

France must speak up against this violation of the Uganda constitution and your giving money for Ugandans to learn French is nothing. Absolutely nothing because many of us speak French before you give a bit of money.

France is well known for supporting despotic regimes in Africa. If you look at France’s former colonies in Africa, you will trace blood to many human rights abuses.  The only thing that is different now is that France can stand up to the despots which the former France built and say “On est avec les peoples”.  You will also remember that many Africans live in your country and your language is spoken globally.  But when you stand up and support killings in countries like DRCongo, CAR, Uganda, Mali, Ivory Coast, Burundi, Rwanda, etc.. you are telling us to return to the books we used in school when we were very young.

Why France should care about Uganda right now is not only does France have the money but France has the history.  You will remember that the French revolution started because of land, hunger and severe poverty.  Uganda is going through the same.  It may not be 1789 but it is now Uganda passing a law to forcefully taking away land from peasants.  You will also remember that France had the clergy controlling land and the peasants never had enough to eat, little education, no medicine and terrible living circumstances.  These peasants one day decided to storm La Bastille and the rest is history.

Ugandans currently have barely enough to eat.  The hospitals have no medicine and the medics are not paid.  The teachers are never paid on time.  The police and army are low paid and even wait months to be paid.  The entire country is suffering and sauf the 1 million who are pro-regime.  We have 39 million who do not even know if they have food for their families next week.  You as donors, funders and development partners for Uganda have chosen to turn a blind eye.

France has had a few terrorist attacks which were shocking and made many of us cry.  But did you know that in Uganda we do not get terrorist attacks?  Our own government kills Ugandans and you then just go and dine and wine with them.  Did you know that the Kasese Massacre (Genocide slaughter) happened in November 2016 when France had a strong embassy in Uganda?
Our children get bad education because teachers are not paid on time or if paid, they are paid so little.

Our doctors do not treat people from preventable and treatable diseases because the medics are paid so little and never on time and yet France funds health care and education in Uganda.
Our own army and police are so pathetically paid, they torture and kill and get away with it but yet you participate in training UPF and UPDF.

Then let us look at France.  Free education for all and superb education by the way.  Employment.
Media Freedom.  Freedom to assemble and discuss politics or anything.  Funding of inventors and protecting small business.  Protecting the elderly and disabled.  France gives many rights to their citizens but you do not want us in Uganda to have these same rights?

In November 2016, the government of Uganda carried out a massacre in Kasese where women and children were butchered and our developmental partners looked the other way.
Previous to November 2016, some 67 bodies of opposition youth had washed up on the beaches of Lake Victoria in December 2015.  No one said a word.

Much earlier than that, there was a genocide in Northern Uganda. A BRILLIANT GENOCIDE documentary.

The Uganda regime documents its atrocities on live camera beating up and shooting Ugandans and who has not seen the beatings of women and arresting of babies in Kampala?  Who has not seen the images or videos of innocent people arrested for crimes they did not commit.

BUT France would rather teach Ugandans French when they actually need food, medicine and school fees.  No idea who is your policy adviser but you can be sure that you are not working for Ugandans because your priorities are no where near what Uganda needs currently.

Mais vivre la France quand meme! Je suis Charlie! Je suis charlie hebdo


Martha Leah Nangalama
My daughters are born of a father from France (Normandy).  Je suis bilangue et je me debrouille pas mal en francais.

#SouthSudan rebels attack Jale barracks near #Uganda border

MOYO- Heavy gunfire rocked Jale barracks of SPLA IG on Friday causing fears among the residents along the borderline in Moyo District.
Lt Ahmed Hassan Kato, the UPDF 4th division spokesperson said at 6.00am, Sudan People's Liberation Movement-in-Opposition (SPLM-IO) attacked Jale, one of the bases of the SPLA in Government in Kajo-Keji Country, about two kilometres from the borderline of Moyo District in Uganda.

"It is true there was exchange of fire between SPLA IG and SPLA IO. The result of the fight has not been confirmed as yet. We (UPDF) are continuing with our normal security operations to ensure safety of our people and to deter any spill-over of the war into our country through the west Nile borderlines,” he said.

He urged the residents living along the borderline to remain calm as authorities investigate the incident.

The Ambassador of South Sudan to Uganda, Mr Samuel Luate could not be reached for comments by the time of filing this story as he was reportedly in a meeting.
Last month, there was an attack by soldiers reportedly from South Sudan on UPDF soldiers at their base in Koboko District.

The borders of West Nile stretching from Koboko, Moyo and Adjumani districts are prone to spill over of attacks from both the government soldiers of South Sudan and the opposition army as well as other rebel groups operating along the South Sudan border.

Since the war broke out in South Sudan, the UPDF and police have stepped up security surveillance at the border points in order to avert attacks in Uganda. The worry for the locals is that there are several illegal entry points that remain largely uncontrolled.

A security official who spoke to this reporter on phone on Friday afternoon but declined to be named since he is not the official government spokesperson, said: “We have repulsed the SPLA IO after the attacks and as of now, we are in control of the situation and Jale. Both armies have not suffered any deaths or injuries from the attacks.


South Sudan rebels attack Jale barracks near Uganda border

Letter to Canada Prime Minister @JustinTrudeau on #Uganda #AgeLimit - @StateHouseUg @KagutaMuseveni

Martha Leah Nangalama
Scoudouc (Moncton), New Brunswick

July 29th, 2017
Justin Trudeau
House of Commons
Ottawa, ON
K1A 0A6

Dear Honorable Justin Trudeau,
Re: Uganda to lift Age Limit to allow President Yoweri Museveni rule for life

My name is Martha Leah Nangalama.  I am a Uganda-Canadian citizen currently living in Scoudouc, New Brunswick. Like many concerned citizens of Uganda, I am writing to express my disappointment in the way the Canadian government continues to use tax payer money to support and cement in the dictatorship of Museveni.  All the other donor, funders and development partners have kept supporting the regime of President Yoweri Museveni.  Yet his Human Rights Record stands out as a sore thumb.

Honorable Trudeau, the government of Uganda is preparing to amend the constitution of Uganda to remove age limits which is the last safety valve and this amendment will to allow president Museveni to rule Uganda for life.  Canada is well known for peace keeping and championing human rights and democracy but when it comes to Africa, and specifically Uganda, Canada has always stood with the oppressor of the Ugandan people instead of the oppressed masses.

I have written to your office several times and have always received a reply saying my issue is being referred to the Minister for Foreign Affairs.  I never heard anything after the “referred” and you will remember that Silence is Consent. This then means that Canada consents to the oppression, torture and murder of Ugandans.

The silence that is coming from our development partners regarding the constitutional amendments in Uganda is deafening.  US law makers are getting ready to put more sanctions on the government of Venezuela if it elects a legislative body that creates a dictatorship.  However, the same US is displaying a  double standard when it comes to Uganda?  WHERE IS THE VOICE OF CANADA?

In November 2016, the government of Uganda carried out a massacre in Kasese where women and children were butchered and our developmental partners looked the other way.  You will remember very clearly that I wrote to your office about that genocide.  In 2016, a US Human Rights Report from the State Department issued a scathing indictment of president Museveni's Human Rights records and I am sure Ottawa also saw that report.

Honorable Trudeau, the US government and EU criticized the way Museveni's government conducted the 2016 elections saying that the elections fell short of international standards and were marred by allegations of disenfranchisement and voter intimidation, harassment of the opposition, closure of social media and lack of transparency and independence in the Electoral Commission. The US State Department specifically mentioned three serious human rights problems in the country which included lack of respect for individual integrity, unlawful killings, torture, arbitrary detention, and other abuse of suspects and detainees.

More recently, a supporter of a youthful political activist, Honorable Kyagulanyi, there is a gentleman called Patrick Sande Byamukama who was violently arrested and Youtube has videos of that.  His testicles were crashed by the police (and Youtube has many videos of Uganda police brutality) and according to his lawyer Mr. Ladislaus Rwakafuzi has taken the government of Uganda to court, for torturing his client.

Honorable Trudeau, you can make a difference to Ugandans.  You can speak now about the atrocities of the brutal regime and give many of us Canadians with origins from Uganda some hope.  When former US ambassador to the UN, Elizabeth Trudeau told the UN Security Council that President Yoweri Museveni was a danger to the peace in The Great Lakes Region of Africa, she had information to back up what she was saying.  The reality is while you all turn your heads away from the suffering of Uganda, you fund the regime which specialised in invading neighbouring countries to cause an influx of refugees into Uganda which then gets the regime foreign exchange since apparently all the donors and funders are bleeding hearts who write cheques without asking how the refugee problem started.

For your information, there are 10 million Ugandans who hardly have enough to eat.  There are many thousands and hundreds of thousands whose land (their only asset) has been forcefully taken away to create refugee camps or give to “investors” and our schools have no supplies, our hospitals have no medicine, our roads are death traps but there you all go praising Uganda for its hospitality.  At this rate, it would not be a bad idea to get Ugandans to register as refugees in their own country.  At least UNCR and WFP will feed them and take care of their other basic needs.  Did you also know that the average unemployment of Uganda youth is 85% and the youth make up 75% of the country population. 

Please never remain silent in the face of injustice.  Certainly, most Canadians would hate to know that Ottawa keeps funding a regime which is dead bent on killing its own in one way or another.  By starving them.  By taking away their land.  By arresting them if they dare talk.  By torturing them.  Or imprisoning them or kidnapping them or killing hundreds and dumping them in mass graves.



Martha Leah Nangalama