Friday, June 23, 2017

VIDEO: #Museveni drops treason charges against #Besigye #Uganda @FDCOfficial1


Dictator Museveni who bragged about being a wonderful dictator on Al-Jazeera interview when asked why people are now calling him a dictator and his response was a dictator voted in five times is a wonderful dictator, has chickened out of going through with his case against Dr. Kiiza Besigye.

Doctor Besigye was indicted for treason after he was sworn in as a new president of Uganda after the 2016 rigged elections in which the EC selected Museveni as the winner. Museveni was advised to let the case go as Dr. Besigye had incriminating evidences to pin down Museveni.

The attorney general advised the government that bringing the treason case against KB was not in the best interests of Museveni.

International community also put pressure on dictator Museveni that if he went ahead and prosecuted KB, the international community would pull out their diplomats out of the country.

After Museveni agreed to abandon the treason case against KB, the international community quietly recognized Museveni not as the elected president but a president of Uganda.

Among the evidences that was to be presented was on record where Museveni and Kayihura gave orders to Dr. Kigunddu to delay delivering ballot papers in Wakiso District in which KB had the most supporters.

Henry Tumukunde and Muhoozi were both involved in counting of votes in a house at Kololo and the EC was never involved in counting the votes as that process was taken over by the IGP and Special Forces.

FDC supporter who was an undercover as an NRM diehard, was killed and her body dumped in a riverin Mbarara, had video taped Janet Museveni instructing NRM supporters to pre-tick ballots for NRM candidate Museveni.

The recordings were given to Dr. Besigye and also was informed of votes being counted in a house in Kololo and when KB went to the house he was arrested on that very day and put away for months after the election. Dr. Kigunddu had nothing to do with the election and was instructed to leave the election process to the security forces.

Nathan Span

Besigye Swears in as President of Uganda

Dr. Kizza #Besigye Swearing in for president of Uganda, 2016. Video courtesy of Moses Atocon

Letter to #Uganda's president #Museveni - economy is sick and weak

You can guess that the author of this letter wrote it before Uganda experienced a country wide blackout on June 22, 2017 starting around 5:30PM Uganda time and lasting for minimum 5 hours. At the time of writing this, there are many parts of Uganda which still have no electricity and the power company UMEME has switched off all its customer service lines.  So much for ECONOMY HEALTH BECAUSE YOU HAVE EXCESSIVE ELECTRICITY! ..... Martha Leah Nangalama
This is to inform all our customers about a technical problem causing outages in most parts of the country.
Mr President, you may need to summon whoever gave you the dossier on the health status of the economy based on a single variable ('surplus' electricity) for breach of professionalism and possible obstruction of steady progress.
True, the "economy is not in recession" but just because that is a technical term akin to proving whether the person was killed by the bullet, shock or excessive bleeding. Technicalities aside, the health of the economy can be assessed using several parameters, which can also be subjected to various opinions and interpretation.
The excess electricity can, for now, be categorised as an inventory, which refers to finished products like food, bicycles and clothes that firms have produced, but not sold either due to lack of a market or as a technical strategy to have a surplus - just like a spare tyre on a car.
Inventories also include stocks of inputs for future use. Suffice to say, how much inventory to keep, is informed by the nature of production and the cost of holding such a surplus.
I am yet to see cars with five spare tyres! Uganda is already having excess inventories in many sectors - housing (empty commercial and residential), trading (shops and supermarkets with unsold goods), transport and education facilities.
It is worth noting that excess investment/production is not the problem, but the imposed cost of doing so if one does not balance the other requirements given the constraint of resources/money. Building a massive house in anticipation of a big family in the future should not be done at the expense of current food and medical requirements.
Surplus electricity is not actually an inventory, but largely a result of lack of demand and is a cost to the country since some contracts force are based on capacity and hence force government to pay for it even when it is not consumed. This is partly why the market forces have failed to lower the electricity tariff despite the excess production.
The nature of electricity production may require excess capacity - produce less than what the plant can deliver - but not generate and technically 'throw' away the power. Since we cannot store bulk electricity, the excess ceases to be an inventory and becomes a waste.
While it is good to have the excess capacity (potential to generate more than we need), the opportunity cost or alternative usage and cost of the resources used should be considered professionally.
Uganda is projected to continue having surplus electricity for a decade and more, partly due to inadequate demand arising from a weak and sick economy.
The prevailing poverty and inequality means low demand for power by both households and firms that cannot produce for a weak market.
Poor agricultural production has also undermined industrial processing in the sugar, oilseed and fish sub-sectors, among others. There is excess capacity in steel rolling, textile factories, etc, which cannot be resolved by mere increases in power distribution.
I foresee no new factories coming up because of availability of power, but due to lack of effective markets for inputs and outputs.
Surplus electricity in Uganda is largely a symptom of a weak and sick economy. Food left on a plate by a child due to sickness is not a sign of wellness. We need an economic stimulus and restructuring to resolve symptoms like weak demand, trade and budget deficits, and currency depreciation.
For example, government should pay Shs2.7 trillion arrears to private firms, boost salaries of its lower cadre and downsize itself. The dossier was certainly faulty.
Dr Muhumuza is a development policy analyst committed to inclusive growth.

Letter to President: The economy is actually weak and quite sick

Friday June 23 2017 Surplus electricity in Uganda is largely a symptom of a weak and sick economy. Food left on a plate by a child due to sickness is not a sign of wellness. We need an economic stimulus and restructuring to resolve symptoms like weak demand, trade and budget deficits, and currency depreciation.

Thursday, June 22, 2017

#Museveni cup league - tournament fixture #Uganda

Uganda's military dictator's 30 years hold on power has been thriving on the Divide and Rule Policy. The country has witnessed the worst forms of ethnic and tribal divisions that have often culminated into bloody clashes. His scheme aims at dividing the communities so that they don't get a united voice to challenge his dictatorship. Here below, find the 'tournament fixture':
  1. BAGANDA Vs BANYALA @ Kayunga stadium
  2. BAGANDA Vs BARULI @ Nakasongola stadium
  3. BAGANDA Vs BAKOOKI @ Nakasongola stadium
  4. BAGANDA Vs BAKOOKI @ Kyotera stadium
  1. BAKONJO Vs BASONGORA @ Muhokya stadium
  2. BAKONJO Vs BAMBA @ Rwenzori stadium
  3. ITESO Vs JAPADHOLA @ Tororo stadium
  4. BALALO Vs BAGUNGU @ Masindi stadium
  1. BANYORO Vs Bakiiga @ Kibaale stadium
  2. ACHOLI Vs MADI @ Apaa stadium
  3. BAGISU Vs BAGWERE @ Namatala stadium
  4. BAGISU Vs SABINY @ Sironko stadium
  5. BUDAAKA Vs BUTALEJA @ Mpologoma stadium
The following teams have applied to be join the league:
  1. BATOORO Vs BAKONJO @ Bunyangabu stadium
  2. BAGANDA Vs BALALO @ Cattle Corridor stadium
  3. BATOORO Vs BATUKU @ Ntoroko stadium
  4. TUTSI Vs HUTU @ Kisoro stadium
Much as the above tournament are ethnic/tribal bases, there are other tournaments being contested for under the same Museveni Cup. These are:
  1. The Religious League
  2. The Security agencies League
  3. The Cabinet League
  4. The Opposition Parties League
  5. The KCCA League
In all the above leagues, Museveni is the major sponsor of the contests for his regime survival. The earlier Ugandans realise that, the better.

Understanding the Tamale Mirundi, UCC/NBS TV saga - #Uganda

Controversial veteran Journalist Tamale Mirundi is a Ugandan, Catholic and a staunch member of DP. He worked with the pro-Catholic Muno Newspaper before founding his own short lived tabloids, Alipoota and The Voice.  He came to prominence in the late 1990s when he excelled in accurately analysing the Museveni dictatorship on Radio and TV talk shows.
Like is always the case with any Ugandan who accurately analyses Museveni's dictatorship, Museveni moved to silence Tamale Mirundi.  He appointed him a Presidential Spokesman - a position he held for 13 years.  As a Spokesman, Tamale Mirundi had his office in State House under the Presidential Press Unit, had access to privileged information, managed to see the art of statecraft first hand thus enhanced his professional status.
For Mirundi, his tenure at State House was mainly for boosting his political ambitions thus why he refused to be soiled in any dubious deals.  For Museveni who believes in blackmailing and holding at ransom his lieutenants in order to ensure personal loyalty, he soon realised that Tamale Mirundi was a wrong catch. Confident that he had done enough damage to Mirundi, Museveni, as usual set on a journey to humiliate him by unleashing his juniors on a humiliation mission.
Around mid 2015, Museveni confronted Mirundi with audio evidence of the latter insulting the First Lady.  Shortly after, Museveni again confronted Mirundi with another audio recording in which Mirundi was allegedly ridiculing Museveni's poor management of the country.  Museveni sacked Mirundi from the influential position of Presidential Spokesperson and made him Senior Presidential Advisor on Media.
Mirundi was rendered redundant and joined the row of other over one hundred redundant Presidential Advisors. To understand the seriousness of Mirundi's sacking from State House, you need to realise that at one time he was questioned as to why he had been found to have been in close telephone contact with renegade Gen. Ssejusa.

For Mirundi, his sacking let him loose and he set out to vent his anger on the establishment which he often refers to as Mafias. He reverted to critically analysing Museveni's gross failures, dictatorship and outright plans to destroy Uganda. To this date, he is carrying out this crusade that has won him immense popularity.
However, a few Ugandans understand him but for Museveni and his Mafia clique, they know where Mirundi stands.  Around December 2015, the regime moved to silence him. The Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) banned him from appearing on any radio and TV station. Tamale Mirundi lost his head by openly attacking Museveni. He said; " appears Museveni has failed to manage this country.  He should hand it to Mbabazi. I am going abroad and I will come back in April. I am only asking for safe passage. I will go through Entebbe Airport on Saturday. I will come back in April."
Tamale Mirundi who harbours high political ambitions indirectly supported Mbabazi.  He repeatedly portrayed Mbabazi as a sophisticated person who had strong influence in all sectors of the Museveni regime.  He said; ".... you can join Mbabazi without knowing you have joined him. You don’t know how Mbabazi works. He has people in intelligence and State House. He can fight you without you seeing him."
By promising to 'return from outside the country in April', he had hoped for a change of government during the February 2016 polls. The Minister of Justice, Kahinda Otafiire defended Mirundi thus; .... Mirundi has a constitutional right to speak and those who are not happy with what he says should go to court."

UCC withdrew its directive and Mirundi resumed his crusade to this day.  Because of his extra ordinary intelligence, he authoritatively presents his information such that it can not be challenged by anybody in courts of law.  He used his past positions to gather such rich information that is rarely accessible by most Ugandans. His resolute and unweathering character puts him in a position to continue winning the trust of disillusioned Ugandans, some of them in positions of authority who continue to update him on some of the scandals.  During his last days, as Presidential Spokesman, Tamale Mirundi had threatened thus; .... you are better off to have Mirundi within than on the outside".  
They arrogantly sacked him and now they are paying the heavy price. However, Mirundi is aware of the dangers posed by his actions and that is why he pretends to cosmetically exonerate apportioning direct blame on Museveni, Kayihura, Saleh, Gen. Muhoozi and a few others. He knows their capacity to physically 'neutralize' him.  He is caught between a rock and a hard surface. Uncertain if his contract was to be renewed or not, in July 2014 he promised never to attack Museveni. ".... Even if my contract is not renewed, I will not complain. I can assure you I will never attack Museveni when I am outside State House."
To the eyes of most gullible Ugandans, Mirundi has kept to that promise but the equally intelligent Museveni has a different view. Tamale Mirundi is a top regime critic and going by classification by the intelligence agencies, 'he is dangerous and all efforts should be made to neutralise him."
Tamale Mirundi uses the radio and TV talk shows to vent out his anger while at the same time helping Ugandans to understand the rot in the Museveni regime. The regime is stuck and that’s why last month it took another gamble at intimidating the closure of NBS TV over Tamale Mirundi.  His on camera physical confrontation of his host, Simon Muyanga Lutaaya was just a coincidence.
Muyanga Lutaaya is a poor Journalist who can't afford interviewing Tamale Mirundi.  He is green on Uganda's history, the Museveni regime, and geopolitical situation for which Mirundi is an expert.  In order to remain relevant, Muyanga Lutaaya simply concentrates on telling viewers how he is an elite and a professional Teacher with a degree from Makerere University.
On the other hand, Tamale Mirundi prefers someone who understands his motivation and can elicit from him relevant information instead of ignorantly obstructing him.  It is most likely that some individuals also use Muyanga Lutaaya to deliberately suffocate some of Mirundi's revelations during the talk show on WBS TV.
Tamale Mirundi’s dream is to see a regime change and the 'arrogant boys' fleeing across the border while others are hoarded into a prisons bus to prison. This is the prayer he repeatedly submits during his talk shows. It’s a prayer for most Ugandans but unfortunately, Tamale Mirundi may not live to realise it.

#SouthernSudan crisis - lessons for #Uganda @UN @UNMISS @KenRoth

First published by Change of Guards blog on December 30, 2013
The current security crisis in Southern Sudan is a good lesson for both Museveni and those opposed to his 27 years’ dictatorship. Of recent both Ugandan opposition and the general population have developed a consensus that it’s only use of force that can put an end to Museveni's dictatorship.  No doubt, forceful removal of Museveni implies the use of arms as is the case in Southern Sudan.
It means disabling and alienating the dictator from the armed forces. It is the role of a few elites whether civilian or military to effectively utilise the existing armed forces. In such a situation, the much acclaimed "the people" does not matter.  It is the men in uniform and their handlers who matter.
However, drawing lessons from the current Southern Sudan crisis, advocates of forceful removal of Museveni should organise a decisive plan of action that can dislodge Museveni within a period of between one hour and the next one week.  On the contrary, a poorly planned and protracted armed action will simply play into the hands of dictator Museveni thus throwing the country into carnage.
Like everyone else, Museveni is very much aware that the situation in Uganda is riper for armed confrontation than Southern Sudan.  He has stocked all sorts of military arsenal and succeeded privatising the armed forces by positioning his ethnic cohorts at the helm of strategic military positions.
Drawing from the experience of recent events in Southern Sudan, he is going to intensify intelligence surveillance on his own Military Commanders.  His Southern Sudan counterpart had similar arrangements but has only been saved by external intervention coupled by poor planning by the armed opposition.
It is this desire for a regional military alliance that explains the idea behind Museveni's desperate push for regional integration.  The current events in Southern Sudan have sent him more panicking than Silva Kiir.  His NRA units now in Southern Sudan will soon devise a means of committing a big massacre that will be blamed on the rebelling group.  This will be designed to brand the belligerents as terrorists and at worst subjected to indictment by the ICC in order to cripple their genuine fight against Silva Kiir’s dictatorship.
Above all, Museveni's military intervention in Juba is dictated by his historical urge to contain his own Northern Uganda Luo influence.  He did the same move in Kenya but of recent Raila Odinga has warned him to keep off Kenya's internal affairs.  Earlier he had wanted to keep the Southern Sudan occupied with war with Khartoum but this could not work for him.  For his designs, the current situation in Southern Sudan fits well if only it can keep the new nation unstable security wise.
Therefore, a Southern Sudan like situation is inevitable in Uganda and there are lessons to learn.

#SouthSudan crisis - #Uganda's #Museveni's stake @UN @UNMISS @UPDFspokesman @KenRoth

First published by Change of Guards blog on December 24, 2013
Right from the regimes of Obote 1, Iddi Amin, Obote 11 and now Museveni, Uganda had been a key ally of the struggling Southern Sudanese people.  Starting with the Anyanya rebellion in the 1960s and 70s to the SPLA during the 80s and 90s, successive Ugandan governments offered support to the Southern Sudanese struggle.
However, it’s during Museveni's reign that Uganda's support took discriminatory dimensions - "our Southern Christian brothers".  According to Museveni, the struggle was against the Arab Islamic regime of Khartoum that was bent on spreading Islamic Fundamentalism orchestrated by Hassan Ali Tourabi.
The truth is that Museveni opportunistically wanted to detach the people of Northern and West Nile regions from any direct link with their cousins in Southern Sudan.  Northern and West Nile regions had rejected the Museveni government right from its inception and had gone into armed rebellion with near bases in Southern Sudan.  The Museveni government referred to the people from Northern Uganda and West Nile as Anyanyas in reference to the Southern Sudan liberation struggle.
Khartoum decided to offer retaliatory support to Uganda dissidents based in Southern Sudan.  Relations between Kampala and Khartoum deteriorated to the extent that during the early 90s the NRA assaulted the Sudan embassy in Kampala with armoured personnel carriers (APC) leading to shivering diplomatic relations.
The USA threw its weight behind the Uganda's support for the SPLA.  A full-fledged supply line was established and coordinated by Gen. Joram Mugume the then NRA Chief of Combat Operations (CCO) and Fred Tolit the then Director of Military Intelligence (DMI).  Actually, Fred Tolit was just a figure head DMI meant to hoodwink the Acholis.  He was a mere head of the Sudan desk concerned with matters of Southern Sudan and the LRA. The real DMI was instead his deputy, Aronda Nyakairima.  Worst of all, Tolit was viewed as a General Tinyefuza confidant since it’s the latter who had brought him to the fore.
This did not deter the Ugandan armed groups from getting support from some sections of the SPLA fighters. One of the deceptive ways was for the SPLA to pretend that the LRA had overran its camps and seized arms.  As the South was heading towards gaining full autonomy from Khartoum, the legendary SPLA leader John Garang had to die in a helicopter crash provided to him by Museveni.
No doubt, like all revolutionaries an autonomous state of Southern Sudan under Garang would have sought to support other liberation movements that already had bases in its territory. Garang had a softer approach towards Khartoum - Museveni's arch enemy and a bait for USA support.
Garang's successor, Silva Kiir set up a Museveni client regime in Southern Sudan.  Being an international figure, John Garang would not have taken orders from Museveni without question.  In return Museveni, has been fighting hard to have South Sudan incorporated into the East African Community solely in order to secure the northern border.
It is against this background that Museveni has had to move very fast to intervene and save his client regime of Silva Kiir.  In the same vein of keeping the ethnic Luo influence in check, Museveni intervened in Kenya against a Raila Odinga victory.  Earlier, during the early 90s, he had denied Kenyan dissident Col. Odong's FERA bases in Uganda against the Arap Moi government.

Is #Uganda's #Museveni contemplating a union with #SouthSudan?

First published by Change of Guards blog on March 13, 2014
Museveni gave support to the South Sudan independence struggle on grounds that he was containing the spread of Islamic Fundamentalism from Khartoum.  In doing so he registered the support of the USA. Unknown to many, Museveni's main interest was to counter the potential bases for the struggling people of Northern and West Nile regions of Uganda against his governance.  
The over two decades old northern Uganda insurgency alludes to this.  It is in the same efforts that the SPLA Chairman John Garang died in a mysterious helicopter crash provided to him by Museveni thus giving way for Museveni's puppet Silva Kiir to take over.
Since Southern Sudan gained independence two years ago, there has been internal squabbles that exploded to full military clashes in December 2013.  Museveni moved his private army into South Sudan to save President Silva Kiir from being overthrown. His army has been involved in combat operations against the rebelling SPLA in defiance of calls by the international community for hm to withdraw his troops.
The rebel faction is composed of Museveni's arch enemies like former SPLM Secretary General Pagan Anum who according to Museveni had links with Uganda's rebel group, LRA.  It is in the same vein that the vocal Minister of State for regional cooperation, Okello Oryem has been left in the cold on matters concerning the current South Sudan saga.
Museveni has used the current South Sudan crisis and his military intervention to indirectly rebuke the UN and the West in particular through the puppet shaky government of Silva Kiir.  He has found an opportunity to prove his traditional argument thus "African solutions for African problems".
He has openly declared his intentions to dump the West and instead deal with Russia.  The conflict in South Sudan is not about to be resolved.  The rebelling SPLA has the capacity to overrun the government troops and overthrow the government of South Sudan of it was not for the presence of Museveni's army.  Museveni has cited protection of Uganda's security interests as the idea behind the military intervention.
Before 1960, the major political parties in Zanzibar i.e. ASP, ZNP, NPP and UMA had such differences that threatened the state along racial lines (African Arabs and black Africans).  In December 1963 Zanzibar gained independence from Britain with Mohamed Shamte as the Prime Minister under the rule of the Sultan.
On 12/01/1964, a bloody revolution led by Ugandan John Okello took place.  The Sultan fled into exile and the Arab influence on the island was contained by the leader of the ASP Sheikh Abed Amani Karume taking over as President.  Tanganyika's President Nyerere provided him with the required security apparatus. Hardly a month later, Tanganyika and Zanzibar were united to give rise to Tanzania.
Zanzibar lost its sovereignty and Tanganyika disappeared.  Fifty years on, the union remains one of the most controversial issues in Tanzania.
Museveni is not about to give in to such calls for withdrawing his troops from South Sudan. Is he contemplating to enter a union of some kind with South Sudan??

#Uganda parliament orders govt officials to refund #OilHandShake money - #Corruption

Parliament has ordered all the 42 government officials to refund the Shs6b they shared as a reward by President Museveni for winning the landmark arbitration tax dispute in London between the Uganda government, Heritage Oil and Gas and Tullow Oil.
Some of the officials could be in more trouble after the Parliament’s committee asked the Inspector General of Government (IGG) to investigate them for suspected violation of the law.
Most of the beneficiaries who received between Shs50m to Shs200m had also profited from a Shs56b kitty which was passed by Parliament across seven financial years to facilitate Uganda’s legal team to prosecute the tax case against the two British oil firms.
However, some senior officials who took a share of Shs200m each yesterday snubbed the Parliament’s directive for a refund. They said they cannot refund the money since President Museveni supported the payment.
Solicitor General Francis Atoke, who pocketed Shs234m, said Mr Museveni okayed the sharing of the Shs 6b.
“Why should I (refund the money)? The money was paid to us, we did not ask for it even when we handled the case. It was the principal (Museveni)who gave us (the money) and we used it, so refund what? There is nothing to refund,” Mr Atoke shot back at the parliament’s Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (Cosase) which investigated the oil cash bonus and recommended the refund.
Mr Kabagambe Kaliisa, former Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Energy, who was rewarded with Shs 133m, said he did not solicit the payment which was blessed by Mr Museveni and would therefore not refund a single penny of it.
“I did not solicit anything, I did not ask for the ex-gratia (payment); the President appreciated us for the good work,” Mr Kaliisa stated in response to Daily Monitor’s question on whether he will pay back the money.
Former Attorney General, Mr Fred Ruhindi, who was rewarded with Shs93.3m, declined to comment.
Though the parliament committee’s report does not explicitly name the officials who flouted the law and face further investigations by the IGG, it accuse Uganda Revenue Authority’s Commissioner General Doris Akol of violating the URA Act and Public Finance Management Act when she authorised withdrawal of the Shs6b from URA account.
The committee termed Ms Akol’s designation as accounting officer of the Shs6b “idle and irregular”.
Ms Akol yesterday declined to comment on the recommendations of the committee. She took home Shs242m from the controversial oil cash bonus.
“The Commissioner General put herself in a position of conflict of interest to pay out monies to herself and her team from URA funds without the knowledge of the board and in contravention of the PFMA [Public Finance Management Act] and the URA Act,” the committee states in its report.
The committee stopped short of describing President Museveni’s approval of the Shs6b bonus payment as reckless and called it “an error of judgement”.
During the committee’s investigations, Mr Museveni was twice cross-examined in camera over his role in the payment of the bonus.
He defended the payment as “okurongora” a Runyakore reference for “rewarding good performance/work”. He, however, admitted that the right process was not followed.
Correspondences obtained by the committee indicate that the arrangement to pay the money was hammered out during a meeting on May 17, 2015 between Mr Museveni and a select group of the beneficiaries.
Other meetings to discuss the sharing of Shs6b were held informally and no minutes were recorded. In the foregoing, the committee chaired by Abdu Katuntu (Bugweri County MP) was unable to evaluate the proceedings of those meetings and it only had to rely on oral evidence during cross-examination.
“It is evident from the President’s letter and testimony corroborated by the (URA) Commissioner General’s letter that the team which met the President reque

MPs order government officials to return Shs6b oil cash


Wednesday, June 21, 2017

#Nigeria court rules government ordered evictions unconstitutional - #LandGrabbing

A series of brutal, government-ordered evictions that left more than 30,000 Nigerians homeless were deemed unconstitutional in a landmark decision by the Lagos High Court on Wednesday, activists said.
The judge ordered a stop to future evictions in a move that could prevent an estimated 270,000 other residents of Lagos from losing their prime waterfront homes to development.
The court case against the government, launched by the Lagos-based human rights organization Justice and Empowerment Initiative (JEI), was run on behalf of dozens of waterfront communities throughout Lagos state.
“People were dancing in the streets afterward. The judge began reading his lengthy ruling at about 11:30 a.m. and finished around midday,” Megan Chapman, JEI co-executive director, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by telephone.
Justice Adeniyi Onigbanjo ruled that the rights of the residents had been violated and ordered that the state government stop further evictions and discuss re-settlement.
The government had no immediate comment on the ruling.
Ruling hailed as victory for the poor
Campaigners hailed the ruling as a vindication for poorer residents, whose prime land in Nigeria’s biggest city, Lagos, is cleared to make way for luxury flats.
“It is a great victory,” Chapman said. “It issues an injunction against the government carrying out any further evictions. They must also consult and arrange for re-settlement if they are to continue with any further eviction.”
One man was shot dead and another wounded when the Lagos state police launched the fourth wave of forced removals from the Otodo Gbame waterfront communities in April.
Bulldozers in the night
The Lagos state government announced its intention to demolish all waterfront slums last October, saying it was for public safety.
A month later, bulldozers accompanied by police escorts arrived after midnight and set fire to a community, forcing residents to flee into their canoes and leaving an estimated 30,000 without shelter.
Chapman said most had moved in with friends or relatives, although many were still living in their canoes.
“For most, conditions are terrible: if they are lucky they are staying in the homes of relatives or friends, with 10 or 15 additional people in a single, family home,” she said.

#Uganda newspaper editor @RedPepperUg interrogated for 5 hours - #MediaFreedom #HumanRights @IGPUganda @PoliceUg @aKasingye

Nairobi, June 21, 2017--Ugandan authorities should cease investigation and intimidation of privately-owned daily newspaper Red Pepper editor Ben Byarabaha and four other publications, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.
On June 15, Uganda's Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID) summoned Byarabaha in relation to an article in Red Pepper on the health of Uganda's Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura, according to documents seen by CPJ. Authorities alleged that the article was intended to "disturb the peace, quiet, and privacy" of Kayihura.
"Summoning editor Ben Byarabaha to endure hours of interrogation has a chilling effect on the Ugandan press," CPJ Africa Program Coordinator Angela Quintal said from New York. "Ugandan journalists should be permitted to report freely on government officers whose well-being is a matter of public interest."
Byarabaha told CPJ that he was interrogated for five hours by the Media Crimes Unit when he appeared at the CID headquarters in Kampala yesterday. He has been ordered to appear again on June 27 to answer to allegations of "offensive communication." Byarabaha said that the police had further questioned him on his sources for the story but he did not reveal them.
CID spokesperson Vincent Ssekate said five publications are under investigation for similar allegations, according to a report. Ssekate did not respond to CPJ's phone calls for comment. Emmanuel Mbonimpa, the assistant commissioner of Uganda's Media Crimes Unit, did not name the four other media outlets, telling the CPJ that information was "confidential."
Section 25 of Uganda's Computer Misuse Act defines offensive communication as the use of electronic communication to "disturb the peace, quiet or right of privacy of any person". By writing about Kayihura's health, Mbonimpa told CPJ, Red Pepper had "offended" and infringed on his privacy, regardless of Kayihura''s role as a public servant.
Haruna Kanaabi, executive secretary of the Independent Media Council, told CPJ that the investigations may push Ugandan journalists to "live in fear that, if you write about public officials, you will be charged."
This is not the first time the government has used allegations of offensive communication to silence critical voices. In April, a university lecturer was arrested after criticizing Ugandan First Lady Janet Museveni on social media.

Jean Bigirimana's wife receives letter telling her she will soon be killed too - #MediaFreedom #Burundi

“We will not be held accountable for your blood”, says the author of the threat.
The wife of Jean Bigirimana, the former Iwacu journalist who went missing from July 2016, has received a chilling message threatening her with death, a second threat she has received in the last three months.

Unlike the threat she received last March that was painted in blood on the wall, the new threat was issued in a letter supposedly signed by an identified police commissioner.
The author, an unidentified “police commissioner” accuses the journalist’s wife Godeberthe Hakizimana, of travelling the world tarnishing the image of her motherland as her husband had started it. “You will soon join him where he is imprisoned”.
What is meant by “imprisoned” is not known since none has ever claimed to know the journalist’s whereabouts since his disappearance.
Journalist Jean Bigirimana mysteriously disappeared on 22 July 2016. He has never been heard of ever since. Iwacu searched for him to no avail. Some fear he was one of the bodies who were found during the search. The two bodies found in the Mubarazi River, in the central province of Muramvya, were hastily buried without formal identification.
He left a wife and two children. Last March, his wife Hakizimana was threatened with graffiti written in blood on the wall.
This Tuesday morning, while she was doing her household chores, Hakizimana, 29, says her neighbours called her to see a letter they described as threatening and said was meant for her. The letter was found by a young child who then showed it to people in the compound.
“When I saw it, I found it really threatening and that it was intended for me”, says Hakizimana.
The threatening message written in Kirundi (Burundi native language) starts by a proverb that literally translates as, “who won’t hear, will hear when his eyes turn red”.
Then, the tract claims the senders of the message have closely monitored Hakizimana’s actions and that “we are about to vomit you.”
The new threat further accuses Hakizimana of having travelled to neighbouring Rwanda to meet with the so-called “UN experts”. “Very soon, you will see you that you have dug your own grave”, it reads.
As a way to save herself, Hakizimana is advised to “join the system”. The letter also recommands her to backtrack what she has supposedly said to tarnish her country.
Moreover, the tract threatens her against receiving journalists when she gets threats. “Never call again those people you always gather pretending you have escaped being harmed”.
The letter warns her that if she is still alive it’s only because the authors wanted to let her live.
“I am not secure in this country”
“It’s frightening”, says the mother of three. This is directly linked to the last threat I received [three months ago] when they wrote a threatening message in blood on the wall”.
She says she has not got any visit or message from the police or administration. “I wish they came and saw that I am in danger”, she says.
She says she lives in constant fear. She has limited movements for fear for her security. “I do not do anything that requires me to move. I even wanted to continue my studies but I couldn’t because my security was not guaranteed”, she sobs. “I am not secure in this country.”
“The words are really threatening”, says Pierre Nkurikiye, Spokesman for the Burundi Police. He says Hakizimana should hand the threatening letter over to the local police for verification.
“If it is proved the threat is real, the police will carry out investigations to find the authors and take any other necessary measure to guarantee her security as it is for other citizens”, says Nkurikiye.

#Museveni destroyed everything that belonged to #Ugandans

The NRA rebels led by Yoweri Kaguta Museveni seized power in a military coup on 25th January 1986. This was coincidentally not unprecedented since Amin had captured power on 25th January in 1971. The NRA then thought it unfitting to share their day of victory with Amin hence deferring it by a day to 26th a deception Ugandans have taken unquestioningly. Though ignored, it is day one would call a curse on for having brought forth a deceptive rebel government whose brunt Uganda has born for 31 years and possibly still counting. The unanswered question as to whether Ugandans should celebrate or mourn still haunts even the sanest of minds treading the socially, economically and institutionally dilapidated country Called Uganda.

The Museveni regime has continually insinuated that the governments before the 1986 coup had fallen out of grace and had to go. They claim it was in their calling to restore the rule of law and revamp the economy and in so doing they paint a picture of a country that had gone to the dogs. However, even with the usual challenges that may cause a nation to stagger a little, it didn’t warrant an ouster for any reason except that of being power hungry. Instead, Ugandans have been given a raw deal and truly, welcoming the NRM then was a case if jumping from the frying pan to the fire.

The Economy

Before the ill-fated entry of the NRA/M onto the Ugandan, the country renown all over the world by such signature cash crops as Coffee, cotton and tobacco then famed for keeping every Ugandan rich and sound. The country had in as backup oil deposits reserved for the future generation by our wise past presidents. The economy one sees limping now was healthy and upright with an international debt burden of less than $400m. That was before it was reduced to being the current supermarket economy depending on foreigners and choking on a whopping $400 trillion debt. Every Ugandan, young and old alike has a debt of over 1.3m hanging by a thread over their heads like an executioner’s axe and it’s getting worse by the day.

One could safely swear by their ancestors, dead and alive that corruption, nepotism and theft of national resources were unheard of until one YK M7 appeared with the evil scheme that birthed and has ever since nurtured a pack of thieves some of whom are richer than the country at the expense of the taxpayer.

The Health Sector

By 1986 Uganda was regionally famed for the best health services in East and Central Africa. All regions had fully functional referral hospitals with professional well paid doctors and other medical staff. Only good quality Medicine was available free of cost in all health facilities across the country. In fact specialist hospitals were strategically located across the country to counter such epidemics as leprosy, sleeping sickness etc. Those admitted to the facilities had free food beddings and access to counseling services. Besides, the country could rightly boast of a solid ambulance network which covered the entire country free of charge. Today, the health system is itself sick and a shadow of its former self to a level that the above realities sound impossibilities to the young.

The Education Sector

Uganda was a sought after destination for he best education system in East Africa. No wonder Makerere University was christened the Harvard of Africa and ranked the best university on the continent. From the elementary level, through to high school and on to tertiary institutions, all facilities were provided and sometimes with an allowance. In primary schools exercise books were given free to all pupils. Secondary education was subsidized and university education was actually paid for from tax payers’ money.

The education system was designed to turn out professionals in the UCCs, TTC’s, Technical Schools and universities and other tertiary institutions were deliberately equipped to train trainers for all society. A child studying anywhere in the country could get same good quality education and compete effectively for promotion to a subsequent level regardless of whether they were rich or poor. Today education has since been commercialized, privatized and government schools intentionally run down to deny education to the poor and force Ugandans to pay through the nose at schools owned by big Turks in the regime.

The Transport Sector

Uganda had Uganda Airlines, at the time with 28 Cargo planes. A running rail network with over 100 trains. The country road transport had public bus services UTC in all parts of the country and UCTU. All these were inhaled by Museveni and his henchmen and in their places we have just shadows of a dilapidated system.


Uganda has proved most insecure during the last 31 years despite defence and security taking up the biggest chunk of budget after another all classified. Besides, M7 has effectively had a hand in the insecurity that has plagued our dear Republic since 1971 in his selfish quest for power. He can be traced as far as 1972 with his FRONASA when he attacked Id Amin and put his regime on the defensive. From 1980—1986 his rebel activities destabilized the whole country in a devastating war the ravages of which the nation is still paying dearly for. In places where M7’s rebel activities were not rife no insecurity in the past was reported. Museveni destabilized freedom/security and brain washed us into believing he liberated us from his own mess.


There Uganda scenario falls so short of having the achieved the structural conditions that would form the basis for attaining democratic development. What with the NRM organization dominating the scene!!!! It is all defined by neopatrimonialism reasoning and public organizations feature a high degree of personalization with M7’s name, person or office showing up at every point. All that he is obsessed with is to maintain a grip on the reigns of political power and consolidate himself, family and friends. This is so unlike in the past when we had active institutionalized administration running.


Uganda had agriculture extension officers at every level to practically help farmers increase output. Today agriculture programs besides being theft channels are all meant to destroy agriculture with an intention of putting the poor out of farming and impoverishing them the more. Our government openly promotes deadly GMO’s and Monsato products directly meant to destroy farming!


Uganda’s unity once revolved around its ethnic diversity promoting and respecting each other’s cultural values. The NRM regime has set tribe against tribe by creating ethnic entities that are treated as superior to others.


Governments fully catered for all sporting activities in the country and promoted talent. Sports has since been relegated to the backyard being sought after only when there is a political statement to make for M7 especially when he wants to appear benevolent.

So, 31 years on, should we celebrate a family victory or mourn a socially politically economically dilapidated state?

By Kaweesa kaweesa

The Uganda Museveni found in 1986. - The spear

The NRA rebels led by Yoweri Kaguta Museveni seized power in a military coup on 25th January 1986. This was coincidentally not unprecedented since Amin had captured power on 25th January in 1971. The NRA then thought it unfitting to share their day of victory with Amin hence deferring it by a day to 26th ...